The recent events in Cape Town have been an incredibly stressful period for many Capetonians, as city officials and the South African National Taxi Council (Santaco) clashed, turning the city into a battleground, with order pitted against disorder in the battle for the city’s control. Regrettably, as is often the case in such conflicts, the individuals who suffered the most were those who were already vulnerable prior to the crisis – the poorest residents of Cape Town.

The taxi strike resulted in hardship for countless commuters, who were unable to travel to work, earn a livelihood, and provide for their families.The taxi industry, notorious for disregarding traffic regulations, exploited these vulnerable individuals as bargaining tools and resorted to violence and intimidation to take our city hostage. Ultimately, it would seem as if their aim was to transform Cape Town into a city governed by chaos and criminal influence, echoing a pattern seen in other South African municipalities where lawlessness prevails over the law and the principles of democracy.

It therefore comes as no surprise that the ANC aligned itself firmly with Santaco, a connection that gains significance considering the allegations that there was extensive ANC co-operation with Cape gangs during Jacob Zuma’s leadership. Cameron Dugmore went so far as to label the city’s response to the taxi industry as “racist collective punishment”, yet has been a lot more hesitant and a lot less vocal to call out the murders the taxi industry were responsible for in the last week.

New sheriff

However, as video footage emerged of Cape Town police smashing the windows of a minibus taxi and violently dragging its occupants out of the vehicle to place them under arrest, it was clear that something had radically changed. A new sheriff was in town and he was taking control.

Despite facing a barrage of criticism and hostility from the ANC and Santaco, the DA MMC for Safety and Security, JP Smith, demonstrated unwavering commitment to upholding law and order. Smith’s determination was evident in his announcement to impound 25 vehicles for every instance of arson or vandalism, and this threat was followed through on a number of occasions.

Had the city been under ANC administration, the outcome could have been starkly different – either a swift surrender to the unions or a lack of action leading to an escalation of violence akin to the riots witnessed in KwaZulu-Natal.

While the city managed to secure a comprehensive victory in the skirmish, the war is far from over, and without a strategic shift from the DA in how they pursue Western Cape autonomy, it is the Western Cape people who stand to lose the most.

No sooner did the City declare victory than Mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis was forced to beg the national government on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter) for greater railway autonomy, in order to break the taxi industry monopoly on public transport in the city. To quote Winston Churchill, “you cannot reason with a tiger when your head is in its mouth.”

Although the DA’s current approach of devolution has shown some promise in addressing symptoms of a failing state, it remains inadequate in tackling the root cause – a failure that could lead to a rapid deterioration in the quality of life for Western Cape residents. While life in the Western Cape may be far better than in the rest of South Africa, when compared to the rest of the world it is a disaster. From crime to health to education, we are at the bottom of the rankings. We are becoming a failed state too.

Radical campaign

It is clear more than ever before that a radical campaign is urgently needed to achieve greater autonomy for the province. This approach should not rely solely on appeals for power, but should rather possess the legal authority to take away these powers from the hands of the ANC.

At present, a viable route to federalism for the DA lies in the form of the Western Cape Peoples Bill. This bill, aligned with their own Western Cape Provincial Powers Bill, could enable a comprehensive reorganization of South Africa’s constitutional framework, promoting devolution and federalism through the exercise of the Western Cape’s right to self-determination – a core concept in international law.

However, it appears that the DA harbours reservations about the idea of distinctiveness for the Western Cape and the principle of self-determination. While the party prioritizes individual rights, it seemingly is hostile to the idea of group rights. Moreover, concerns may linger about how the Peoples Bill might resonate with voters beyond the Western Cape, potentially signaling to voters in the rest of the country that even they recognise that they are fundamentally unelectable there.

Should the DA vote alongside the ANC and reject this bill, the federalist compromise would be off the table, leaving Western Cape voters with a straightforward decision: support parties that maintain the status quo or back parties that advocate for a Cape independence referendum. Unfortunately, the DA will end up finding itself in the former group of parties.

Desire Cape independence

Increasingly evident is the fact that if you as a Western Cape voter desire Cape independence, you will need to actively pursue it at the ballot box. Shifting the DA’s vote share to a position just below 50% of the vote would compel co-operation and compromise with independence-oriented parties for effective governance.

Numerous state institutions in South Africa, spanning rail, policing, and utilities, are teetering on the edge of collapse. With the looming threat of an ANC and EFF coalition government disrupting our constitutional and democratic framework, the urgency for a more potent solution than a decade-long plan becomes clear. Cape independence stands as the choice that empowers Western Cape residents to shape their own future.

Our choice in 2024 boils down to this: do we entrust the same voters from the rest of South Africa, who contributed to the current challenges, to lead us out of this situation, or do we place our faith in ourselves?

The views of the writer are not necessarily the views of the Daily Friend or the IRR

If you like what you have just read, support the Daily Friend

Photo by Sipho Ndebele on Unsplash


contributor

Robert King is a politics, philosophy, and economics student, economy spokesperson for the Referendum Party and co-founder of the Cape Youth Front.