In recent days a new website called “PM27.org.za” has attracted a great deal of media attention. Simply google “PM27” to find the extensive mainstream media coverage.

P and M are the initials of Patrice Motsepe, a novice in party politics who is the brother-in-law of president Ramaphosa. The “27” is a reference to the year for internal upcoming ANC elections of its own office bearers to be held next year. Reminiscent of the “CR17 campaign” which led to the election of Ramaphosa to lead the ANC in 2017, the campaign is explicitly aimed at persuading ANC members who will vote at the conference to be held at the end of next year to vote for Motsepe to lead the party. It goes further by appealing for the support of the general public.

An inconvenient truth is that the ANC expects its candidates to be able to make their way through its proverbial “eye of the needle” by negotiating the maze of rules it has put in place in an effort to make its internal elections as democratic as is humanly possible. This is a difficult task within an organisation that has been dubbed “an organised crime syndicate” by Bonang Mohale, Chancellor of UFS, who also acknowledges that it was once a glorious liberation movement.

As the PM27 campaigners churn out election materials and the ubiquitous T-shirts somewhat prematurely, it is apposite to pause to consider the rules that apply. The following appears to be the position:

The ANC has strict rules and guidelines prohibiting premature leadership campaigning and regulating the candidate selection process to maintain unity and prevent corruption. These rules, outlined in “Through the Eye of a Needle” and updated for specific election cycles, forbid lobbying, campaigning, or distributing promotional materials outside authorized windows. 

Key rules regarding not campaigning (or the restriction of campaigning) include:

1. Prohibition on Early Campaigning 

  • No Pre-emptive Campaigning: The NEC has reaffirmed that no leadership campaigns should be undertaken in the run-up to national conferences, such as the 2027 Conference, to avoid dividing the party.
  • Ban on Branding and Materials: Candidates and their supporters are prohibited from producing T-shirts, posters, banners, or any branded objects for campaign purposes.
  • Restriction on Factional Activity: Engaging in organized factional activities, such as lobby groups, that threaten the unity of the ANC is strictly forbidden. 

2. Campaigning Constraints and Rules

  • Authorized Timeframe: Campaigning for positions is generally only permitted during a specific, authorized window, often in the week leading up to Branch General Meetings (BGMs).
  • Limited Activities: Allowed activities are generally restricted to door-to-door, phone canvassing, sectoral meetings, and authorized radio interviews.
  • Prohibition on Using Money: Candidates are banned from using personal money or raising funds for campaigns, except for paying for meeting venues. 

3. Consequences of Violating Rules

  • Disqualification: Candidates found in breach of these rules, including the use of money or engaging in disruptive behaviour, will be disqualified from the selection process.
  • Disciplinary Action: Individuals who violate these rules or bring the organization into disrepute may face internal disciplinary action. 

4. Code of Conduct (Electoral Commission)

  • Adherence to Laws: The ANC is bound by the Electoral Code of Conduct, which prohibits intimidating voters, offering inducements, or destroying other parties’ materials.
  • No Abuse of Power: Members are forbidden from using their current positions of power or influence to affect the outcome of internal or public elections. 

Patrice Motsepe himself has not endorsed the campaign, if that is what PM27 is, preferring to maintain an aloof silence on the matter.

Fikile Mbalula, the secretary general of the ANC, often named as a possible candidate for the leadership of the ANC in 2027, frowns on the PM27 campaign and indeed all premature campaigning. He is on record as saying that the ANC has no perspective on PM27 which he dubs “unANC”.

If the ANC runs true to form, it will end up favouring deputy president Paul Mashatile as its candidate for the leadership position just like earlier deputy presidents Mbeki, Zuma and Ramaphosa succeeded the presidents under whom they served. The difference this time around is that no candidate quite like Motsepe ran against any of them. Perhaps the early launch of the “PM27” campaign is no more that, a pre-emptive strike on the name, as the initials of Mashatile and Motsepe are identical.

Moving from form to substance, there is much material on the PM27 website that commends itself to undecided voters within the ANC. Motsepe is touted as “a leader who embodies unity, progress, and ethical governance.”

His purported chief concerns are advertised as:

“… the campaign emphasizes diversity, inclusion, and integrity—placing anti-corruption and nation-building at its core. Patrice Motsepe’s proven track record and unwavering commitment to ethical leadership make him the only credible choice to restore trust, inspire hope, and lead South Africa toward a brighter future.”

EWN reports that no one has claimed responsibility for the  PM 27 website, while the current ANC leadership has condemned premature campaigning.

In the meantime the PM27 T-shirts are in the process of being produced (and have been since January 2026).

Wider public

It remains to be seen whether Motsepe will embrace the PM27 campaign when the time to do so is ripe or at least more politically correct in terms of ANC rules concerning its internal elections. It would certainly be of interest to delegates, and to the wider public, to know the details of Motsepe’s own manifesto to renew, unify, and to progress, using ethical governance.

Motsepe’s anti-corruption campaign will, one hopes, be constitutionally pure if his credibility as a serious candidate is to survive the hurly burly of the ANC campaigning. The Achilles heel of the ANC has long been its inability to get to grips with the need for a body outside the control of the executive branch of government to deal with corruption effectively, as laid down in law by the Constitutional Court.

Motsepe will have to devise a way to do so as no such body exists, despite the court ruling. As long ago as August 2020 the ANC NEC did instruct the national cabinet to establish, as a matter of urgency, a stand-alone, independent and specialist body to deal with corruption.

Nothing came of that initiative. Cabinet simply ignored the instruction from the NEC. It is possible that the breath of fresh air that Motsepe might introduce in the leadership of the ANC could have the effect required by the apex court and long desired by the long-suffering public of SA.

Head and shoulders above

Motsepe does stand head and shoulders above the other likely and even possible candidates that have been mentioned as contenders for the leadership of the ANC.

A trained lawyer, a hugely successful billionaire businessman and a continental soccer administrator with the experience of leadership which Motsepe enjoys could bring a breath of fresh air to SA politics.

 Unless the ANC disqualifies him for prematurely jumping out of the starting blocks before the ANC starter’s gun has been fired, which would be a great pity.

[Image: By CGZ G3N3 – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=147090471]

The views of the writer are not necessarily the views of the Daily Friend or the IRR.

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Paul Hoffman SC, a native of Johannesburg and a Wits graduate, practised law at the side bar from 1975 to 1980 and at the Cape Bar from 1980 to 2006. He took silk in 1995 and acted on the Cape Bench at the invitation of three successive judges president. After retiring from the Bar, he was founding director of the Centre for Constitutional Rights and co-founder, in 2009, of Accountability Now, both NGOs that promote constitutionalism. He is best known for his work on the irregularities in the arms deals, on the unconstitutionality of the Hawks and on the bread cartel case in which a general class action was developed by the courts. Yoga and long dog-walks on the beaches and mountains around his home in Noordhoek help keep him inspired to seek that elusive better life for all. He is the author of many articles and two books, Confronting the Corrupt, and Countering the Corrupt.