If lively or amusing instant karma is ever to have a case study, then its authors may wish to revisit the events in the Johannesburg suburb of Kew in the early hours of a winter morning in the early 2000s.
For one week three hardened tsotsis cased out a house belonging to an incapacitated elderly Afrikaans Jewish man (God’s chosen). But they failed to note an important development: the man’s son had just recently moved back in with him, and this chap was, well, mental: or, more accurately, SADF kinetic bush-war mental.
The son was pumping iron in the garage at 2am (norma) when he heard the sound of breaking glass. Stealthily, he crept back into the house and met the home invaders at the bottom of the staircase. What happened over the next four days makes the enhanced interrogation techniques used to (eventually) locate Osama bin Laden resemble a candlelit Enya concert.
The father, bedridden, had no idea what was happening on his premises. And just as well. Because his son was violently assaulting his captives, using improvised electro-shock therapies, tying them up naked in the bath, or practising his crossbow in the garden with one or another tied to the tree he was aiming at. He deprived them of sleep and applied his late mother’s make-up to their faces. By the end of the four days, the tsotsis, previously the scourge of their neighborhood, were wailing. The son got into a van with a friend and drove the men deep into rural North West, where he dumped them naked on an empty stretch of land, but not before extracting a pinkie promise from each that they’d never try and hurt anyone ever again.
Would those guys have gone and repeated their folly with more social terrorism? The sociologists at UCT would say: without question. I’m not so sure.
The modern European liberal establishment doesn’t like stories like this. I know. Some years ago, I showed a few Liberal Democrats in London some kasi justice in the form of four carjackers who’d been caught by locals and were being forced to French kiss for the camera. “But there doesn’t appear to be any consent,” one of these surrender monkeys whined.
They hate stories like this even more since film director Uwe Boll’s Citizen Vigilante made it onto the internet, having been banned in Germany. The film is gory and violent, but plenty of other violent German films have escaped the clutches of its hyperactive censors. This film was banned because it involves a subject most European liberal politicians and fans are reluctant to admit exists: the crimes some immigrants commit.
Neither subtle nor smart
There isn’t much to be said of the treatment, and the film’s plot is neither subtle nor smart. It marks (something of) a comeback for the American actor Armie Hammer, sublime in The Social Network, cancelled on account of some choice fetishes that came to light. Hammer’s character, Sanders, plays a former US marine charged with the estate of his late father, who embarks on a retribution wave.
But the film isn’t actually the startling feature here. The reactions of liberal politicians to it are.
That’s because immigrant rapists and murderers only get it really in the end. The state (the enabler) gets pummeled first, then mostly the police, then an activist judge who has remanded one gang rapist of Syrian heritage into the custody of his parents, as opposed to giving him a jail sentence. The judge blames the state for its failure to habituate the rapist, then gets injected with a syringe full of heroin for his troubles.
Political parties who insist on ignoring the profound changes to the form and attitudes of European countries which continually, without mandate, accommodate vast numbers of young men of Middle Eastern or North African descent are not as daft as they appear. Their language betrays them; in Great Britain for example, the country’s traditional values until the late 1990s were Biblical: fairness, forgiveness, resilience and giving. Today’s political class rewrote the values but didn’t bother to inform people. Nowadays, the values are – apparently – inclusion, tolerance and diversity.
It changed them because it knows: unless fantasies are cloaked in the language of national interest, unless they’re elevated to the status of values (even though diversity is not nor can ever be a ‘value’), at some point the voters are going to realize that they never voted for what has unfolded around them.
Coinciding with Citizen Vigilante was the notable absence of the March and March movement in South Africa from the news items. The first and most obvious reason why the BBC, alongside the French and German media, has been reluctant to report the events is because an enduring impression has been torched: that South Africa is a largely progressive society. Media boomers will remember Nelson Mandela’s promise to his continent: about his country’s being a beacon of freedom and refuge from maniacal regimes, particularly those in West Africa.
But the second reason is deeper and more complex. The events of the past week in South African cities are congruent with views that have resulted in movies like Citizen Vigilante: the now weekly marches, the aftermath of most atrocities committed on UK or German soil and the rise of populism across the continent. That more crimes including rapes and murders are committed by white English or German men is immaterial. When all life is reduced to per capita, the horse has bolted.
Inescapable trends
It’s wrong to separate these events from inescapable trends. Western Europe is suffering economic decline. Today the Dutch and Italians are richer than the English, who are now only marginally richer than the French. Speech is being throttled by the European Union, and the exclusion of white men from the English job markets accelerates unimpeded. So too is the suppression of wages in the lowest income tiers. In the background, scholars continue to warn of extended civil unrest with the potential to transition to war.
My advice to this generation of inadequate European liberal politicians will not be welcomed, but I believe they must embrace Citizen Vigilante and stories of homemade justice without comment. For as long as the experience is vicarious, for as long as vengeance is fictional (limited to the screen and not exploding on the streets), it is contained. Embrace it, then get the hell out of office.
[Image: https://app.envato.com/search?itemType=photos&filter.portfolio=FabrikaPhoto]
The views of the writer are not necessarily the views of the Daily Friend or the IRR.
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