Due to serious allegations of abuse of power and the provision of false information and fake documents, World Aquatics’ independent Integrity Unit (AQIU) announced that it had provisionally suspended Swimming South Africa’s (SSA) president, Alan Fritz, and its CEO, Shaun Adriaanse, for potentially violating the World Aquatics Integrity Code.
Although this announcement took many by surprise, it was somewhat expected, given recent allegations of maladministration and governance failures against SSA.
In the past two weeks, it was revealed that SSA had withheld US$35,000 in prize money from Tatjana Smith for more than a year and had retained the accumulated interest, citing it as a “management fee”.
Additionally, the collapse of SSA’s planned High-Performance Centre in Franschhoek, which received approximately R111 million in funding, attracted significant media attention earlier this year and raised further questions about the organisation’s governance.
All this forms part of a broader pattern in the federation, with numerous SSA-related controversies emerging in recent years.
In January 2025, questions were already being raised about the continued tenure of senior SSA executives, following the introduction of term limits in the federation’s constitution. Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture Gayton McKenzie responded characteristically: “As far as swimming is concerned, I’m coming there like a thunderstorm.” He promised “severe consequences” and told South Africans to hold him to that promise.
It should be noted that the term-limit dispute is not the same matter as the allegations now under investigation by the AQIU, and the two should not be conflated. However, what connects them is the broader question of governance and oversight: when warning signs repeatedly emerge within a national sports federation, what do the Minister and his Department actually do about them?
Little more than a year and a half after Minister McKenzie made his roaring promise, an international integrity body has now taken precautionary action against the federation’s President and CEO in a separate matter. That does not mean the Minister could or should have prevented the conduct alleged by the AQIU. It does, however, raise the question of what oversight was exercised over SSA during that period considerably more urgent.
At a recent Portfolio Committee on Sport, Arts and Culture meeting, Minister McKenzie indicated that he wanted to convene a workshop to consider amendments to the National Sport and Recreation Act, so that responsibility for addressing problems in sports federations does not rest so heavily on SASCOC.
There may well be a case for strengthening the Act, but Minister McKenzie cannot use a future amendment to create the impression that the law currently leaves him powerless.
Section 13(5) expressly provides for ministerial intervention in “any dispute, alleged mismanagement, or any other related matter” likely to bring a sport into disrepute, including through mediation or the issuing of a directive. Yes, the Act protects federation autonomy, as the Minister cannot select teams, administer a sport, or decide who serves on a federation executive. And where a matter has already been referred to SASCOC, SASCOC must be given a reasonable opportunity to resolve it.
That, however, is not the same as saying only SASCOC can act. In fact, this power has been used before.
Previous Ministers have already invoked section 13(5) when serious governance failures arose, including the Nicholson Inquiry into Cricket South Africa and the Zulman Inquiry into SASCOC. Neither intervention proved a magic cure for poor governance, and in both cases, implementation became a problem in its own right. But they did establish an important point: section 13(5) has previously been treated by government as a power capable of triggering investigation and action, not as a reason for the Minister to stand aside.
That does not mean Minister McKenzie should charge into federations or disregard SASCOC. It means that if his argument is now that the existing framework prevented him from acting, he needs to show exactly where it did so.
What precisely did he want to do that the current Act prevented him from doing? Were serious governance concerns referred to SASCOC? If not, why not? If they were, what did SASCOC do? Were they resolved within a reasonable time? If not, was section 13(5) considered? And if Minister McKenzie believes the intervention powers previously used by ministers are inadequate, what precisely did he want to do that the present Act prevented him from doing?
SSA provides a very obvious test.
When the federation appeared before the Portfolio Committee in April 2025, members raised concerns about governance disputes, litigation, safeguarding, financial transparency and the sustainability of its high-performance programmes. SSA also confirmed that parents were frequently required to contribute towards international participation. At the same time, CEO Shaun Adriaanse could not tell the Committee how many swimmers had travelled internationally without financial assistance from parents or outside funders.
Most importantly, following that engagement, the Portfolio Committee specifically tasked the Department with intensifying its monitoring and oversight responsibilities over federations.
So, what happened after that? What additional monitoring did the Department undertake? What governance risks were identified? What action was required of SSA? Which matters were escalated to SASCOC, and what happened to them? These are not demands for political interference. They are basic questions of oversight, particularly when government is giving these federations public money.
Minister McKenzie’s own 2026/27 Budget Vote allocated R118.1 million to approximately 60 national sports federations, accompanied by what he described as “strengthened compliance and governance requirements”. Government cannot attach governance conditions when handing over taxpayer money and then treat governance as somebody else’s problem when those conditions matter.
Nor is withholding funding, on its own, an adequate governance strategy. Starving a dysfunctional federation of money without forcing corrective action does not repair its governance; athletes, coaches and families often carry the consequences.
If Minister McKenzie genuinely wants to strengthen the National Sport and Recreation Act, let us have that discussion. If SASCOC occupies too dominant a position, if referrals are not being resolved effectively, or if the Minister genuinely lacks the power required to protect athletes and public money without politically interfering in sport, Parliament should fix this.
But legislative reform cannot become an alibi for inaction.
Before Minister McKenzie tells Parliament what powers he wants tomorrow, he must account for how his department used the powers, exercised its oversight responsibilities, met the funding conditions, and applied the referral mechanisms it already had.
The AQIU proceedings against Fritz and Adriaanse must now run their independent course. They remain separate from the governance disputes which preceded them. But the broader question remains whether South Africa is exercising proactive oversight of sports governance, or waiting for crises and international bodies to force difficult questions onto the table.
Minister McKenzie’s promised thunderstorms now sound more like distant rumbles: dramatic enough to make headlines, but too often fading before they ever reach the ground. South Africans deserve better than a pattern of bold promises followed by excuses for inaction. To hold SSA accountable and redirect its course, the DA has addressed a letter to the Committee Chairperson, urging the federation to appear before Parliament promptly.
[Image: by hallaarabi]
The views of the writer are not necessarily the views of the Daily Friend or the IRR.
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